The book Politics of Evasion struggles with contemporary questions about Socialism and Anarchism in the context of changing logics of state and capital and the false hopes of a return to social democracy.
In the context of burgeoning national security programs; thickening borders; digital activism immigrant rights rallies; Occupy movements; student protests; neoliberal austerity; global financial crises The Politics of Evasion starts by underscoring how much the fable of a hope-filled post-cold war globalization has faded. In its place looms the prospect of states and corporations transforming a permanent war on terror into a permanent war on society. A key set of questions remain for anyone contesting and critical of state and capitalist power: how, at this juncture, are policymakers and power-holders in leading states and corporations of the Global North reframing their pursuit of power and control?
What possibilities and limits do activists and communities face for progressive, radical political action to counter this power inside and outside the state?
The Politics of Evasion is a dialogue between a former graduate student and now government official anonymously identified as Mr. V of a social democratic orientation and a scholar who in debate with Mr. V links Gramscian and Benjaminian thought in an in-depth consideration of the prospects for a progressive, radical politics that is situated at the juncture of Socialism and Anarchism and where evasion against statist capitalism is explored as a force for creating new forms of, what is termed, re-collectivism.
The discussion addresses the question of how systems address risk - and Deleuze's control society concept is considered. V remains concerned whether these formulations can contend with innovation that actually changes the system itself and creates conditions of risk.
Latham tries to push the discussion beyond risk and safety concerns, to consider how quickly complicated a system becomes that might be considered open; where even within an open system closure is required; where distinct social realms and spaces within the system get demarcated; and where, if there would be no places to transfer between, forms of openness and movement that are possible would have no meaning in the first place.
V explains that this all makes finding security strategies to deal with circulation all the more imperative. V further underscores that he is concerned not just with mobility in systems but how they are vulnerable to be altered through intervention as a form of disruptive confrontation for example by hackers.
These possibilities and tensions are put in historical context, specifically with regard to the complexities of global security and protest in relation to the formation of communication, public sphere, and commercial infrastructures across the centuries. Comparison to earlier forms of activism is made with the introduction by Mr.
V of the notion that today there is a sort of transience, where "threats can come not only from anywhere, or from anybody, but also in forms not yet known or from sources you otherwise might trust. V, that transience and "coming out of nowhere" is linked to anonymity and ultimately to openness and liberal order. The implications are explored, including how Anonymous and related practice can be placed on the plane of liberal logics along with mass surveillance and the logics of control societies.
V and Latham engage the notion that autonomous sites of resistance and media are forced to practice what Mr. V calls a sort of self-evasion, a self-limiting practice resulting from the tensions between liberalism's characteristics of openness and closure. Latham brings up the question of whether forms and practices of disorder are important aspects of evasion.
The necessity for evasion in this context is considered, along with the question of what it means to attempt to advance openness in the face of increasingly security and control. Latham suggests that to probe deeper it is necessary to put the state as a political form in question.
More specifically, consideration is given to the ways that the state elevates itself to the status of a permanent political form; and has the power to pronounce as to what else is temporary or permanent.
Latham argues this distinction - and temporality more generally - is an important to look at when determining the legitimacy of the state. V defends the value of state-established permanence regarding justice, rights, and citizenship. Latham explains the precarious nature of temporariness and defends the need to push beyond it, but not by recourse to state-based permanence. While Mr. V maintains that progressive change can come from moving within the context of permanence to improve the enduring frameworks of the state.
Consideration is given to groups such as migrants and First Nations in relation to settled citizenry and whether the types of benefits permanence ostensibly offers can be obtained without reliance on a state taken to be permanent. V that the state as force for permanence has a uniquely long history and has evolved many practices, customs and rules for producing permanence; along with the power to pronounce on the permanence and temporariness of organizations and practices across social and political life.
Even corporations, Mr.As tax avoidance and tax evasion are both methods used by individuals and businesses to minimize or completely avoid the payment of taxesone should be able to recognize the difference between tax evasion and tax avoidance. While these concepts may sound similar to one another, there are a number of differences between tax evasion and tax avoidance. Tax avoidance is a legal method used to reduce taxes, whereas tax evasion is illegal and can lead to criminal prosecution.
The article takes a closer look at these concepts and explains the similarities and differences between tax evasion and tax avoidance. Tax avoidance is a mechanism used by individuals and businesses in order to avoid the payment of taxes.
Judicial Activism and Judicial Restraint
Tax avoidance is done by complying with the rules and regulations, yet at the same time by finding any loopholes in the laws of taxation and taking advantage of such shortcomings. Tax avoiders will find a way to exploit the taxation system and laws legally in order to avoid paying or reduce the amount of taxes.
Examples of tax avoidance includes tax deductions, artificial transactions created with the aim of gaining a tax advantage, changing business structures to reduce tax rates, establishing companies in countries that offer reduced tax rates also known as tax havens, etc.
Even though, tax avoidance is legal, in some instances it may be seen as unethical in that the aim of tax avoidance is to find shortcomings of the tax system in order to reduce taxes paid. Tax evasion is an illegal mechanism used in order to avoid the payment of taxes. Tax evasion goes against any taxation laws set in the country and is done in an unfair manner. Tax evaders can be imprisoned for illegal activities that they undertake to avoid the payment of taxes.
Tax evaders mislead authorities by concealing their financial information through practices such as window dressing accounts in order to show low taxable income figures. Tax evasion can result in large financial penalties, payment of the entire amount of taxes due and may even result in criminal prosecution. Tax avoidance and tax evasion are both mechanisms used in order to avoid or reduce the amount paid as taxes.
The main difference between tax evasion and tax avoidance lies in that tax evasion is illegal, whereas tax avoidance is a legal method used to reduce tax payments that at times can be unethical in nature.
Examples of tax evasion are untrue financial reporting, window dressing of financial accounts, hiding assets and income, claiming false deduction, avoiding payment of taxes due, etc.
Tax avoidance is the minimization of taxes by using loopholes in the law and other tax reducing techniques that are approved by the IRS.
Since tax evasion is illegal tax evaders can be imprisoned or compelled to pay all taxes due to avoid penalties or prosecution. Tax avoidance seeks to find methods to restructure business, accounts and transactions to reap the largest tax benefits. Individuals and firms seek the help of lawyers and financial professionals to conduct tax planning activities in order to identify legal methods to minimize taxes paid.
Coming from Engineering cum Human Resource Development background, has over 10 years experience in content developmet and management. Leave a Reply Cancel reply.Eva Lewis is an eighteen-year-old advocate and activist. She most recently spoke at TEDxTeen about her role in creating The I Projectwhich combines art and activism to advocate for intersectionality. Eva shares her perspective on the power of advocacy with an examination of activism, art, and the intersections between them.
I learned the functions of these words during my time at the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women in To be an activist is to act on behalf of solving social and political issues. It is to be at the forefront of a movement, often times compromising your own energy in order to seek justice and evoke change.
To be an advocate is to listen. To be an advocate is to speak and learn about social and political issues. It is to bring attention to an injustice, subsequently aiding the activist in their fight against that same injustice. Although different, both are necessary in order to create systemic change.
Without one, the other cannot function. Social media has been helpful in exposing injustice, and in bringing pivotal conversations from a grassroots level to the forefront of popular conversation. As a result, narratives are being changed at a large scale and movements are gaining momentum much more rapidly than they have in the past.
Police brutality has been occurring since the inception of police, but with social media a much greater amount of the public has acknowledged it as a social and political issue. The ways in which we use social media as an advocacy mechanism are productive. Within that, we have created a problematic paradox that values the title of activist, and not the work needed to create the change we want to see. It is time that we hold each other accountable to use these resources.
We need more advocates who amplify the problems occurring in society. Social media has the potential to garner millions of advocates for an array of social and political issues that desperately need our time and energy. With access to a plethora of information, there are ways to advocate for these issues in a meaningful and accessible way. A dialogue cannot occur when everyone in the room is speaking.
Accountability as an advocate is as simple as using a hashtag, defending a peer online, or creating an online dialogue in support of an issue. Each of us has an individual platform which begins with an. That platform can be powerful if used to draw attention to activists and artists who are initializing change. Collectively, we can create an online symbiosis geared at elevating the narratives and initiatives society has suppressed for centuries before us.
At the same time, it is important to recognize that our voices might not always be the one that needs to be elevated.
There are two parts to advocacy: vocalizing and amplifying. Although every voice is important, everyone should not be speaking.Judicial activism and Judicial restraint are the two terms used to describe the philosophy and motivation behind some judicial decision Judicial Activism and Judicial Restraint The Judiciary has been assigned active role under the constitution.
Judicial activism and judicial restraint are facets of that uncourageous creativity and pragmatic wisdom.
The concept of Judicial activism is thus the polar opposite of Judicial restraint. Judicial activism and Judicial restraint are the two terms used to describe the philosophy and motivation behind some judicial decision. At most level, judicial activism refers to a theory of judgment that takes into account the spirit of the law and the changing times, while judicial restraint relies on a strict interpretation of the law and the importance of legal precedent.
Judicial Restraint is a theory of judicial interpretation that encourages judges to limit the exercise of their own power. It asserts that judges should hesitate to strike down laws unless they are obviously unconstitutional.
Judicially-restrained judges respect stare-decisis, the principle of upholding established precedent handed down by past judges. The term "judicial restraint" has a number of varying definitions. On such a view, judges have no popular mandate to act as policy makers and should defer to the decisions of the elected "political" branches of the Federal government and of the states in matters of policy making so long as these policymakers stay within the limits of their powers as defined by the US Constitution and the cons constitutions of the several states.
As a procedural doctrine, the principle of restraint urges judges to refrain from deciding legal issues, and especially constitutional ones, unless the decision is necessary to the resolution of a concrete dispute between adverse parties. As a substantive one, it urges judges considering constitutional questions to grant substantial deference to the views of the elected branches and invalidate their actions only when constitutional limits have clearly been violated.
Compare judicial activism. The courts should hesitate to use judicial review to promote new ideas or policy preferences. In short, the courts should interpret the law and not intervene in policy-making.
Judges should always try to decide cases on the basis of: 1. The original intent of those who wrote the constitution. Precedent — past decisions in earlier cases. The court should leave policy making to others. They make decisions strictly based on what the Constitution says. Judicial activism is a dynamic process of judicial outlook in a changing society.Internet activism also known as hacktivismweb activismonline activismdigital campaigningdigital activismonline organizingelectronic advocacyc'e-campaigningand e-activism is the use of electronic communication technologies such as social mediae-mailand podcasts for various forms of activism to enable faster and more effective communication by citizen movementsthe delivery of particular information to large and specific audiences as well as coordination.
Internet technologies are used for cause-related fundraisingcommunity buildinglobbyingand organizing. A digital activism campaign is "an organized public effort, making collective claims on a target authority, in which civic initiators or supporters use digital media.
Thus, Internet sleuthing or hacking could be viewed as purely online forms of activism, whereas the Occupy Wall Street movement was only partially online. The Internet is a key resource for independent activists, or E-activists, particularly those whose message may run counter to the mainstream.
Differences between Tax evasion, Tax avoidance and Tax planning
Internet activists also pass on E-petitions to be sent to the government and public and private organizations to protest against and urge for positive policy change in areas from the arms trade to animal testing. Many non-profits and charities use these methods, emailing petitions to those on their email list and asking people to pass them on. The Internet also enables organizations such as NGOs to communicate with individuals in an inexpensive and timely manner.
Gatherings and protests can be organized with the input of the organizers and the participants. Lobbying is also made easier via the Internet, thanks to mass e-mail and its ability to broadcast a message widely at little cost. Mainstream social-networking sitesmost noticeably Facebook. An active participatory culture is enabled by the communities on social networking sites because they permit communication between groups that are otherwise unable to communicate.
He even goes as far as to say that "Without ongoing communication among its participants, a community dissolves". The constant ability to communicate with members of the community enriches online community experiences and redefines the word community. In addition, denial-of-Service attacksthe taking over and vandalizing of a website, uploading Trojan horsesand sending out e-mail bombs mass e-mailings are also examples of Internet activism.
For more examples of these types of subversive action, see hacktivism. Hashtag activism is the use of hashtags for fighting or supporting a cause through the usage of social media outlets. One example of the powerful rise of hashtag activism can be seen in the black feminist movement's use of hashtags to convey their cause.
The famous hashtag "IamJada" was an internet backlash to the mocking " Jadapose" that went viral, ensuing after a sixteen-year-old girl Jada Smith was photographed following her gang rape  In this instance, a hashtag was employed to convey a powerful anti-rape message. TikTok 's platform has been increasingly used for raising up social issues through creative short videos, especially after an allegedly make-up tutorial turned into a call to action on China's treatment of Muslim Uighurs.Judicial activisman approach to the exercise of judicial reviewor a description of a particular judicial decision, in which a judge is generally considered more willing to decide constitutional issues and to invalidate legislative or executive actions.
Although debates over the proper role of the judiciary date to the founding of the American republic, the phrase judicial activism appears to have been coined by the American historian Arthur M.
Schlesinger, Jr. Although the term is used quite frequently in describing a judicial decision or philosophy, its use can cause confusion, because it can bear several meanings, and even if speakers agree on which meaning is intended, they will frequently not agree on whether it correctly describes a given decision.
Compare judicial restraint. Judicial activism is the exercise of the power of judicial review to set aside government acts. Generally, the phrase is used to identify undesirable exercises of that power, but there is little agreement on which instances are undesirable. Judicial activism presents the danger of government by judiciary, which is contrary to the ideal of self-governance.
New York and Dred Scott v. Sandfordbut also some of the most celebrated, such as Brown v. Board of Education. Brown v. Board of Education and Loving v. Virginia are examples of activism that are now generally applauded. Lochner v. Sandford are examples of activism that are now generally reviled. In the United States, judicial activism is usually used to indicate that the speaker thinks judges have gone beyond their proper roles in enforcing the Constitution and have decided a case based on their policy preferences.
However, there is little agreement as to which decisions fit this description. In the way the term judicial activism is usually used, judicial activists abandon their responsibility to interpret the Constitution and instead decide cases to advance their preferred policies.
However, there is little agreement about which decisions fit this description. Judicial activism and judicial restraint are generally considered opposites.
However, the lack of agreed-upon definitions or examples complicates the picture. Judicial activism is the assertion or, sometimes, the unjustified assertion of the power of judicial review to set aside government acts.
Judicial restraint is the refusal to strike down such acts, leaving the issue to ordinary politics. The term activism is used in both political rhetoric and academic research.
In academic usage activism usually means only the willingness of a judge to strike down the action of another branch of government or to overturn a judicial precedent, with no implied judgment as to whether the activist decision is correct or not. Activist judges enforce their own views of constitutional requirements rather than deferring to the views of other government officials or earlier courts.They had been briefed on the earlier wave of sit-ins in Durham, and had been part of a series of movement meetings in activist churches.
When the sit-in movement spread from Greensboro throughout the South, it did not spread indiscriminately. At worst, social media convince us that we are doing something important while leaving big social problems untouched. This is a difficult argument to counter. These are activities that allow people to participate from a distance, to dip a toe into what is, for those on the ground, a dangerous environment. It is more or less uncontroversial to grant all of this to Gladwell.
However, we find a profound flaw in his argument as we encounter his description of networks. For Gladwell, the problem with networks is that they lack hierarchical organization. Unlike the planning and close ties of the Greensboro Four. Decisions are made through consensus, and the ties that bind people to the group are loose.
In fact, this is the picture many might conjure if asked to compare hierarchical organizations to networks. However, to put it quite directly, this conception is completely wrong. Theorists such as Alexander Galloway, Wendy Chun, and Rita Raley have demonstrated, in detail, how power moves through networks and how activism in networks must contend with top-down procedures and hierarchies.
We will examine such work later in this essay. For now, it is enough to say that while networks are different from other types of infrastructure and other organizational structures, they are not without hierarchy. Understanding how power moves and how structures assert themselves in networks is crucial for anyone interested in contemporary activism, digital or otherwise. But contemporary activism requires a different metaphor, one that addresses the complexities of networked life and the possibilities for understanding how writing shapes and is shaped by contemporary organizations of power.
Activism suggests that one is acting upon a system. It suggests an easily locatable point of origin and a situation in which cause and effect are, at least in theory, tightly linked. But networked life requires an entirely different understanding of political and rhetorical activity—and of writing. In networks, writing does not act upon the system but rather from within it. In short, the various rhetorical ecologies of networked life require that we shift our frame from activism to occupation.
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